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感谢您给我这个机会就该市为增加经济适用房产量所做的重要努力发表评论. 纽约社区服务协会(The Community Service Society of New York)是一个有着170年历史的非营利组织，通过研究来解决经济差距的根本原因, advocacy, litigation, and innovative program models. 我们主要关注的一个问题是，该市300万家庭收入低于贫困线200%的居民长期买不起住房.

During the 12 years of the Bloomberg administration, 王者炸金花App经常重申，该市的新住房市场计划值得称赞, 但这远远不足以缓解城市住房短缺的影响. In fact, 低收入纽约人的住房状况持续恶化，尽管新住房覆盖了纽约市各地以前的空地.

The Community Service Society’s recent report, “An Affordable Place to Live” draws on evidence from the U.S. Census Bureau to show that from 2002 to 2011, there was a 39 percent drop in the total number of apartments—including public, subsidized, 还有私人市场住房——对收入低于联邦贫困线200%的家庭来说是负担得起的. This loss of more than 385,000 units could not possibly have been remedied through new development alone.

To its great credit, 白思豪政府采取了超越前任政策的重要举措. We applaud this administration for committing, in its Housing New York plan, 大幅增加城市对住房的资本投入，超过彭博时代的水平. 我们也对政府采取措施结束开发商的双重补贴表示赞赏，因为开发商在建造同一套住房时，既能获得分区补贴，又能获得直接补贴. 我们赞赏政府为经济适用房的生产创造新的激励措施，并将经济适用房与经济发展联系起来.

如果纽约州能像纽约市一样认真对待住房短缺问题，那肯定是向前迈出的一大步.

Unfortunately, however, 衡量白思豪政府的第一步所代表的进步，不仅必须与导致经济适用房丧失的力量相比较，还必须与一个新问题相比较——结束因拖欠税款而没收的城市土地供应, which provided a major tool for housing development for many years. Virtually all of this land has been used up now, making it significantly more difficult to produce new affordable housing. 白思豪政府增加的一些新资源可能只是为了补偿土地资源的损失.

香港可以通过承诺让经济适用房成为它和其他政府机构仍持有的所有土地的优先用途，来对抗这种趋势. 我们当然不应该看到，该市稀缺的土地资源被完全或主要用于市价住宅项目, nor should scarce land resources be sold just to produce revenue. 这座城市不可能一边在最理想的地段出售土地，一边只在地价较低的地区建设经济适用房，一边希望消除经济隔离.

保障性住房建设项目的另一个长期存在的问题是，新建的公寓中，只有少数是受城市长期住房短缺影响最大的人负担得起的. 收入低于贫困线200%的家庭，也就是王者炸金花App所说的“低收入”家庭，更有可能支付30%的难以承受的租金, 50 percent, or more their income. 他们也更有可能生活在严重的维护缺陷中. 但这些家庭在很大程度上被排除在新的经济适用房建设努力之外，因为该市从联邦政府获得的大多数补贴工具都不太适合为他们服务.

It is not that households with incomes of $45,000 to $100,私人市场为000人提供了很好的服务，因此试图通过公共政策为他们服务是没有意义的. 问题是，有更大需求的低收入家庭被排除在外. It is simply a myth that public housing, Section 8, and other older housing programs have already taken care of this group. We don’t have nearly enough public housing or Section 8 to do that.

纽约住房计划确实要求为真正的低收入家庭提供比上届政府所做的更多的住房, but not nearly enough, and we are yet to see how this will work. The most innovative aspect of the new administration’s plan, the use of zoning to promote affordability, is unlikely to reach this group unless it is combined with other tools. The affordable apartments proposed to be built in Astoria Cove, for example, 是针对那些收入接近贫困线300 - 500%的家庭吗.

Finally, we are concerned that in New York City today, new development tends to raise the value of surrounding properties, potentially resulting in less affordability there. 这也必须与作为新开发项目一部分的保障性住房相平衡.

To sum up, 我们赞扬纽约住房计划所作的大量资源承诺和其独到的思想. But when it comes to addressing the city’s serious long-term housing shortage, it can only be seen as a beginning. We believe it can be strengthened in several ways:

1. Add a commitment to use the city’s, 以及其他政府机构的土地资源，尽可能用于经济适用房的用途.
2. Create new programs, even if on a pilot scale, to produce new housing for people with incomes below 200 percent of poverty.
3. When tying affordable housing production to major new developments, 仔细研究可承受性要求与新开发对周边市场的二次效应之间的相互作用, in order to ensure that there is a net increase in affordable housing.

And just as important, 我们呼吁市长和这座城市认识到，作为解决住房短缺的战略，住房生产的局限性, and lead the fight to strengthen the rent stabilization laws, especially by ending vacancy deregulation. 这是为低收入的纽约人保留现有住房所能采取的最有效措施.